The coronavirus crisis is a global crisis. If this crisis is a social crisis as well, we must look at aspects of global society and its history. globalization that began in the 1990s was largely responsible for the formation of the global society in which we live. After the collapse of state socialism and the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the end of history was loudly proclaimed. Totalitarian systems such as communism no longer represented political alternatives. The future of mankind was liberal democracy and free market economy. In this historical situation, what was overlooked by most was that it was not traditional classical liberalism that has triumphed, but a certain variant that emphasized economic liberalism and forgot political liberalism. This version is usually called neoliberalism. I refer to this as market fundamentalism. The intellectual history of market fundamentalism goes back to the 1920s. Economists and philosophers developed the version of a new society to replace the old liberal version version which has fallen into discredit due to the shock of the First World War and then the Great Depression. This development came namely from the Austrian School of Economics, like Ludwig Mises and Friedrich Hayek, from German autoliberalism like Walter Eucken and Wilhelm Röpke, and from representatives of the London School of Economics, especially Lyle Robbins, and the Chicago School of Economics, like Henry Simons. These different theoretical directions began from the 1930s onwards. At that time, as Bretton Woods' outsiders, to relate each other into theory and to network organizationally, one can speak of the thought collective. After the Second World War, the Bretton Woods systems created a global economic order. It was based in large part on the concept of the British economist John Maynard Keynes and was realized in the struggle between the declining British Empire and the rising American Empire. We can also speak of the Keynesian period. Here, inequality of wealth and income was significantly reduced. A social and welfare state was established in Europe, and countries in the Third World were encouraged to embark on independent programs of industrialization. This phase was characterized in many countries by high growth rates, rising real wages and active trade unions. The Bretton Woods systems entered a crisis in the 1970s and was then replaced by a system that allowed unregulated financial markets, a reorganization of global trade and the rise of new tax havens. These developments were supported by ideas from the market fundamental network, such as Milton Friedman's monetarism. network, such as Milton Friedman's Monetarism. At the beginning of the 1980s, in the two most important countries of capitalism, namely in the United States and in Great Britain, with Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, two politicians came to power simultaneously, which were directly in contact with the market fundamental network or as Thatcher emerged from it. Thatcher was deputy director of one of the many think tanks founded by the neoliberal thought collective from the 1950s onwards. Its centrum is the Atlas Network, which was set up in 1981 by a follower of Hayek as a think tank for the establishment of think tanks. Today it coordinates almost 500 think tanks worldwide. Margaret Thatcher stands for two slogans that characterize the market fundamental movement. First, there is no alternative, which denies the discourse on the transformation of economic and politics. And secondly, there is no such thing as society. This signifies a significant shift in thinking. The concept of society, which includes the economy as a part of it, has been replaced by the idea of an order that permits society and economy at the same time. It is the order of the global market or the market in singular, the most central concept of neoliberalism. The idea of the market or the globalization as a superior process to which we would have to submit, with which reward or punish us, and to which politics would have to submit, provided the central image underlying the process of globalization from the 1990s. This concept has important characteristics. First, the market is considered the best form of organization. It coordinates voluntary undertaking activities in the most cost-effective and efficient way. This is usually just opposed with other forms of organizations in dual images, such as planned economy, as planned elements in a capitalistic system, as the welfare state, or finally the state as a whole, which are seen as bureaucratic, cumbersome and inflexible. This leads to the popular question, do you want more market or more state? And in many countries to a comprehensive process of privatization, flexibilization and deregulation. Thirdly, the market as an order is a concept which imposes no restriction on itself. It has no limits with respect to nature and society. With it, both can be transformed in a fundamental way. The result was from the 1980s owners, on the one hand, a rapidly growing environmental crisis, then since the 1980s, half of the CO2 has been released into the atmosphere that people as a whole have caused since the industrial revolution, and on the other hand, the transformation of society into an economicized society. An economicized society is characterized by the fact that, in contrast to earlier phases of capitalism, many new areas of society are directly subject to an economic functional logic. Business norms, logics, indicators and guidelines apply to a large extent here. Many processes have been and remain reoriented toward the buzzwords costs, benefits, rationality, efficiency and competition. Fourth, in this process, the concept of the market contains a critical announcement to the political system as a whole. Politics is given two tasks. Firstly, it must actively create the market by setting the right regulatory framework, like a rule of law, for instance in the transformation processes of the former socialist countries. And secondly, once this framework has been established, politics must behave passively and allow their market to operate, meaning that it is not permitted to intervene in the market. Only in cases of market failure, as the term is used, is the state allowed to intervene. is used, is the state allowed to intervene. This political concept is profoundly contradictory and opens up a field in which politicians of different political orientations can engage in mock battles. Generally, these battles are based on a deeply negative picture of politics, political parties and political actors. Above all, politicians are denied the ability to set explicit goals for their market. According to this concept, politicians are neither authorized nor able to do so. The success of this concept led to an overall crisis of political imagination. This crisis affects conservative, politically liberal and traditional social democratic thinking. social democratic thinking. The coronavirus shocks marks a crisis in a society that is guided by the concept of the market at a global scale. It is also reflected in the lack of international cooperation to combat the pandemic. There is little coordination within the European Union, while Donald Trump is unable to organize a common policy across all United States. The United Nations budget is spread too thin and the World Health Organization has no real powers. Overall, there is no effective shell that could manage this crisis covering the global economic system, not only for health concerns. If a capitalist economy must always be embedded in a social shell in order to function, then today's global capitalism does not need a world government, but many functioning global standards that go beyond purely economic concerns. These standards must address human rights, labor rights, hygienic conditions and personal liberties with today's IT companies in the new era of survival capitalism is bluntly disregarded. Such a shell has not become a reality in the globalization that has spread since the 1990s, nor have attempts been made to implement it. However, a reduced global economic shell of the market was established. This was required because global capitalism is not possible without global active institutions and without globally binding rules. This shell, which made a global economy possible, consists, among other things, of international institutions like the World Bank or the International Monetary Fund, the major central banks, which work together in a coordinated manner, the rating agency and countless regulatory systems, often described as governance and logistics for money, information, financial transactions, trade and transport. In many cases, this framework works with great reliability and precision. It is the basis for the operation of large multinational corporations and global financial institutions. The coronavirus crisis has highlights the need to transform this framework. A first step could be the establishment of an assertive international disease control agency. But these aspirations are being undermined by the new right-wing populists, which are demanding that their countries only focus on themselves. In their critique of globalization, global capitalism is not questioned but only individual aspects such as trade agreements. New scapegoats are named, who are blamed for unpleasant structures without any attempt being made to think through global society. The right-wing populism represents the perfect form of variants of economic liberalism that had freed themselves from liberal political standards. The unsolved problems of capitalism make this political form a possible variety for the future. I will talk about this in the next video. For the central problem of the environment, this would be fatal, because this camp is full of people who simply deny the existence of ecological problems caused by human beings.